Our sense of meritocracy

Meritocracy is one of the founding principles of the free and open-source software movement. It is also one of the most controversial terms, and the gap between the different meanings people attribute to it is, in some projects, a source of real and damaging conflict.

Let us analyse the meaning of the word, because its potential ambiguity can significantly influence the debate and the various viewpoints.

The theory of legitimacy based on the commit graph

One version of meritocracy argues that governance authority should follow contribution, and that contribution is best measured through code. According to this view, the people who have contributed most to the code have the right to decide the project’s future, because they know the source code and have a personal stake in the most literal sense of the term.

This is not an unreasonable position for a project in its early stages. Although it is also necessary to consider infrastructure, raise funds, and manage relations with the media and institutions, when the main challenge is technical in nature, when the community is small, and when the stakes are low, it makes sense that those doing most of the work should also make most of the decisions.

The problem arises when the principle is carried forward unchanged into a very different context. A FOSS project that has been running for fifteen or twenty years, is used by millions of people, operates in a complex regulatory and legal environment, has enterprise users and political implications, is no longer the same thing. Applying the same governance from the early days to the reality of a large project does not produce good results, but rather a technically sophisticated and strategically blind organisation.

What the commit chart does not measure

The theory of meritocracy based on the number of commits has a blind spot: it measures only one type of contribution and renders others almost invisible.

Let’s consider what is not in the chart:

  • The authors of the documentation who made the software accessible to users who would otherwise have given up on using it.
  • The localisation team that involved entire linguistic communities in the project.
  • The reviewers who transformed rough bug reports into reports ready for resolution.The community moderators who kept the project welcoming to newcomers at the cost of considerable personal effort.
  • The people who spent years building relationships with media, institutions and the political sphere, creating the conditions for the software’s widespread adoption.

These contributions do not produce commits, but they do produce users, adoption, sustainability and relevance. In a mature project, they often make the difference between software that exists and software that matters.

A governance model that excludes these contributors from the decision-making process, or seeks to marginalise them, is a partial meritocracy in that it recognises only one type of excellence whilst ignoring all others.

The problem of conflicts of interest

There is a second dimension to this argument that merits analysis.

When a project’s governance also includes people employed by companies with direct commercial interests in the project’s direction, the issue of meritocracy becomes more complex. The question is not whether those contributors are capable—for they certainly are—but whether the governance structures built around their contributions can reliably produce decisions that serve the project’s mission rather than the interests of their employers.

This is not an accusation, but a simple observation. Conflicts of interest are not linked to bad faith, but are inherent in the situation. A governance model that fails to take this into account is no longer meritocratic, and is also less aware of its own limitations.

Healthy governance in a mature FOSS project requires a diversity of perspectives: people who contribute code, but also people who represent the user community, the institutional mission, and the long-term sustainability of the project as a public good rather than a commercial asset. It is not a question of excluding developers, but of ensuring that no single interest – however legitimate – is the sole factor determining decisions.

Building for those who come after us

All major FOSS projects are intergenerational, because the people who created them are not the ones who will sustain them in ten or twenty years’ time; therefore, the decisions made today regarding architecture, governance, and which contributions are valued and which are not will shape what the next generation inherits. And it must be something upon which to build, not something to be circumvented.

This completely redefines the issue of meritocracy. From this perspective, in fact, the measure of a contribution is not determined solely by its current value, but also by its value for the future of the project.

Meritocracy in a large open-source project does not lay in the accumulation of commits as a claim to authority, but in creating the best conditions for the project to continue growing in the future. The question is not who has done the most, but who is building something that the next generation can actually use and develop further.

Our sense of meritocracy

The original principle underpinning FOSS meritocracy remains valid: decisions must be made by those who do the work, who understand the consequences, and who have earned their place through genuine contribution rather than organisational politics. This principle must be preserved.

Contributions, however, can take many forms, and merit has a temporal dimension that the commit graph fails to capture. The merit of building the source code is real and deserves recognition, but this also applies to the merit of building a community, maintaining documentation, ensuring accessibility, navigating legal complexities, and securing the institutional relationships that keep the project alive for the people who will inherit it.

A true meritocracy finds a way to recognise and value all of this. A project that confuses meritocracy with the dominance of a single type of contributor, however expert, fails to live up to its own values. And a project that bends to the interests of a subset of contributors, at the expense of future generations, is not a meritocracy but a form of appropriation masked by the language of fairness.

Meritocracy is a complex, multifaceted concept that is worth grappling with in order to build something that future generations will be happy to inherit.

Let’s put an end to the speculation

Ideally, we would have preferred to avoid this post. However, the articles and comments published in response to Collabora’s and Michael Meeks’ biased posts compel us to provide this background information on the events that led to the current situation.

Unfortunately, we have to start from the very beginning, but we’ll try to keep it brief. The launch of the LibreOffice project and The Document Foundation was handled with great enthusiasm by the founding group. They were driven by a noble goal, but also by a bit of healthy recklessness. After all, it was impossible to imagine what would happen after September 28, 2010, the date of the announcement.

At the time, nobody could imagine that the companies that had supported OpenOffice.org until then like IBM would create Apache OpenOffice to kill LibreOffice. Also, if the project were to be successful, it would require resources greater than those available, and above all, a deep management experience.

Fortunately, the project grew quite rapidly. However, the founders’ different backgrounds and opinions were at the same time the reason for some bold decisions – many of which right – as well as a few mistakes, which are the root cause of some of the current problems:

  • granting free use of the LibreOffice brand only to companies in the ecosystem, to allow them to sell the software in Microsoft and Apple’s online stores;
  • awarding contracts for the development of LibreOffice – new features, fixing “legacy” bugs, etc. – to companies whose representatives were on The Document Foundation’s Board of Directors, and who were active throughout the procurement process.

Both of these decisions were found to be incorrect for reasons relating to the non-profit law, to which The Document Foundation must adhere. They violated the law itself. When this fact was brought to the attention of the Board of Directors by the foundation’s legal counsels, the companies that had benefited from these errors sought to maintain the status quo rather than finding a solution. At the time – from the end of 2021 to the middle of 2022 – this could have been achieved swiftly and with minimal difficulty.

This attitude increased tensions within the BoD, adding to pre-existing frictions that began in 2020 when the majority of the new board decided to terminate the plan to transfer many of TDF’s tasks and assets to a parallel organisation called The Document Collective (TDC). Several issues that the current board had to solve stemmed from elements of that project that had been partially executed.

The origins of TDC are controversial. One reason given for setting up the parallel organisation was the “alleged inefficiency” of the TDF team [1], which was expressed by some of the directors. Unfortunately, instead of addressing the supposed problem with a reorganization or some training, the BoD decided to react by creating a new problem: a parallel structure with a supposedly “highly efficient” team that would highlight the alleged inefficiency of the TDF team.

TDC was presented at the LibreOffice Conference in Almería in 2019 without prior notice, raising concerns within the team and the community. This was partly because the parallel organisation’s project envisaged leveraging TDF’s financial resources as startup funds. This attempt resulted in permanent damage to relations between the project’s components, and especially between certain BoD members and the team.

After years of discussions marked by accusations and finger-pointing, during which no real progress was made in resolving the legal issues, the German authorities overlooking non profit foundations requested an audit whose results confirmed that resolving the issues was absolutely necessary to avoid losing non-profit status, with unforeseen consequences.

Unfortunately, the presence of company representatives on the Board of Directors (BoD), who were elected by employees of those same companies that are also TDF members, caused further delays to finding a solution, which has not yet been reached.

Fortunately, the introduction of restrictive measures – such as the decision to forfeit TDF membership status of Collabora employees – and the freezing of tenders, alongside the introduction of a robust procurement policy for development, has resulted in a positive outcome for the third audit [2]. At least, the BoD has demonstrated a willingness to break the deadlock that has persisted since 2022.

The board also reviewed governance issues from the past and set clear rules to minimise the risk of them recurring in future. These rules are set out in the Code of Ethics and Fiduciary Duties, the updated Conflict of Interest Policy and the Community Bylaws.

Of course, if we could rewind the course of history, some of the choices made since 2010 would hopefully be different and no one would repeat the mistakes or the wrong behaviours of the past.

As we said at the beginning, we would gladly have done without this post, but it was necessary to set the record straight and avoid speculation.

TDF has been preparing for some time for Collabora’s announcement, by hiring developers and exploring new partnership opportunities to support a growing interest in LibreOffice on the desktop, still a viable option for many deployments, the cloud and mobile, and in ODF as the preferred document format for governments worldwide.

Thanks to the growing importance of free and open source software, as well as open standards for document formats, the concepts that we have been advocating for over twenty years and have finally reached political institutions and users, The Document Foundation and the LibreOffice project are well positioned for the future.

[1] The Document Foundation’s daily activities are managed by a team of employees and contractors who handle administrative tasks, infrastructure, release management and developer’s mentoring, and coordinate community, quality assurance, UX, documentation, localization and marketing.

[2] The first audit in 2023 raised concerns about the mentioned issues. The second audit in 2024 confirmed the concerns. The third audit in 2025 did not raise concerns.

Comment about Collabora blog post

Many people have asked The Document Foundation for its official position on what Collabora announced in a blog post.

This is not the first announcement of this kind in FLOSS environments, nor will it be the last. Collabora feels that it has to invest in a specific product that differs from traditional, full-featured office suites such as LibreOffice. They are, of course, free to take this approach based on the MPL licence.

However, Collabora has framed this as a direct consequence of the Membership Committee’s decision to remove Collabora employees from TDF membership based on the recently approved Community Bylaws.

The Community Bylaws require that employees of companies involved in legal disputes with The Document Foundation be removed from TDF membership because, in the past, people made decisions in the interest of their employers rather than in the interest of The Document Foundation.

We would prefer to avoid further discussion about who is responsible for what, as this would lead to endless debates that would not benefit the project as a whole (i.e. The Document Foundation, its ecosystem companies, and its volunteer contributors).

Unfortunately, a series of wrong decisions in the past have turned into an ongoing problem which has grown to the point of posing a significant risk to the project. The Document Foundation could have lost its charitable status, which would have had unforeseen consequences.

This risk remains, but thanks to hard rules such as those included in the Community Bylaws, whose enforcement is unpleasant for everyone, it is being significantly reduced and hopefully avoided.

The project welcomes contributions from true believers in open source. As the majority of people at Collabora are such believers, we expect them to continue contributing when the time comes.

Also, removal from membership does not mean removal from community. Anyone is welcome to contribute and participate.

On the other hand, The Document Foundation is hiring developers and donations are growing, which will allow for further developer and team member recruitment.

In the current environment, the project’s focus should be on leveraging the opportunity presented by growing interest in true FLOSS solutions that support digital sovereignty — or, if you prefer, the freedom to own and control your infrastructure, applications, and documents.

The 14th Anniversary of Our Foundation

17 February 2026 marks the 14th anniversary of The Document Foundation’s recognition as a non-profit organisation under German law. The foundation is focused on developing free and open-source software for individual productivity.

This focus has guided the development of LibreOffice and the software tools for liberating proprietary formats released by the Document Liberation Project. These tools are used by LibreOffice and other open-source and proprietary software.

This growth would never have been possible without the invaluable contributions of the many individuals and companies that have been involved over the years. Today, we celebrate this important milestone and prepare for further growth.

Indeed, given the current geopolitical situation and the push towards digital sovereignty — or independence from major US technology companies — the educational function of LibreOffice and the Open Document Format standard is more important and relevant than ever.

The open-source engine of LibreOffice, known as LibreOffice Technology, is now the only development platform for software solutions — desktop, mobile, or cloud — that can guarantee users true independence from companies and total control over their content, now and forever.

This is all thanks to the principles that have guided The Document Foundation since day one and will continue to provide a reference point for the project’s future evolution.

Version 1 of TDF Community Bylaws

TDF logo and words Implementation of Community Bylaws

The Document Foundation (TDF) is the non-profit entity behind the LibreOffice project. It collects donations from users, and employs a small team to support and coordinate the worldwide community that makes the software. In TDF there are various bodies including the Board of Directors, Membership Committee, and the Board of Trustees:

Diagram of structure of TDF bodies

These foundation bodies are guided by a set of policies, and as part of recent governance updates, the Board of Directors voted on a Code of Ethics and Fiduciary Duties and Updated Conflict of Interest Policy. Now the Board has voted to Adopt version 1 of the Community Bylaws, based on feedback from the community. The Bylaws…

define the internal organisation, regulations and procedures of The Document Foundation. These regulations interpret, clarify, and extend the Foundation’s Statutes without modifying or replacing their binding rules.

Click here for the full Community Bylaws

Updated Conflict of Interest Policy for TDF’s Board of Directors

TDF logo and words Conflict of Interest Policy

The Document Foundation (TDF) is the non-profit entity behind the LibreOffice project. It collects donations from users, and employs a small team to support and coordinate the worldwide community that makes the software. In TDF there are various bodies including the Board of Directors, Membership Committee, and the Board of Trustees:

Diagram of structure of TDF bodies

These foundation bodies are guided by a set of policies, and now the Board of Directors has voted on an updated Conflict of Interest Policy. The purpose of the policy is to protect any of The Document Foundation’s interests against the risk that derives from overlapping loyalties of a person. See here for the results of the vote.

Click here for the full updated Conflict of Interest Policy